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citizen reporting January 30, 2009

Posted by François in cameraphones, creolization.
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I (and 5,941 compadres) became a US citizen yesterday. The experience was very moving – especially the thought of 5,942 international lives converging onto the Los Angeles convention center at that precise moment. But that’s another story.

I moblogged some of it live.

At one point, the judge declares the convention hall to be a U.S. District Court so the oath ceremony can proceed, and asks the crowd to turn off all cell phones and pagers. I initially complied (thus missed recording the oath…) but then realized he didn’t say anything about cameras or recorders, so turned it back on in off-line mode to record the pledge of allegiance and national anthem.

One conclusion: it’s really hard to do live reporting with a cell phone… switching it from camera to recorder to MMS, while paying attention to our handlers’ instructions and trying not to hold up the line. Gave me lots to think about as we work with EE579 students to design a handset-based multi-media editor/preprocessor.

Your pointers to well-designed phone-based applications will be appreciated. Also, if you have developped usage practices to reliably capture and send media in the rush of the moment, we’d love to hear about them.

(This work is part of the vozmob project, in which we are inventing ways to tell stories using cheap pre-paid cellphones and MMS.)

Phone repair in Kathalia, Bangladesh June 15, 2008

Posted by François in Uncategorized.
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phone repair shop
A few months ago, these two Bangladeshi women opened a mobile phone repair shop in the small village of Kathalia, Narsinghi district, a 2-hour drive north of Dhaka. They are among the 22 women who graduated from a training workshop on cell phone servicing and information technology in January 2008. Another woman has also set up shop in a nearby village, while the remaining 19 repair phones in their homes, advertising their services with a sign on the road.

This was the first time such training was offered. Funding came from the Dhaka Ahsania Mission (DAM), and the Kathalia Sukher Disha Community Resource Centre organized the 3-week course. Participants were selected from nearby villages (one per village). The goal was to provide poor women with skills that would allow them to make a living as technicians. Upon graduation, each received a basic toolkit, worth about Tk. 1,000 ($15), including a set of screwdrivers, small pliers, soldering iron and solder, a cleaning brush, a Chinese-made multitester (Sunwa YX-360TR), phone repair toolsand a Bengla/English collection of mobile phones diagrams covering the handsets most commonly found in rural Bangladesh.

The pair decided to become business partners and rented a storefront in Kathalia for Tk. 3,000 ($45) for the whole year. They work in the shop 8 hours a day, 5 days a week. In addition to phone repairs, they also use their mobile to sell phone calls to villagers. Altogether since starting 5 months ago, they have earned on average Tk. 1,500 ($23) per month, most of it from repairs. They say most phones can be fixed by opening and cleaning them, but they can also test individual components, order and install a replacement when needed.

They hope to expand their business soon by offering additional services. First, they plan to provide “flexi load”, Grameen’s instant recharge for pre-paid phones. They would also like to sell mobile accessories. They looked into becoming participants in the Grameen Village Phone Program, but found the start-up cost too high and decided against it.

Phone repair in Guangzhou March 30, 2008

Posted by François in Uncategorized.
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Jack Qiu sends the following field notes from his recent interview of Xiao Zhang, a young mobile phone repairman in Guangzhou. (Jack was also quoted in a recent NYT article on “the Afterlife of Cellphones“.)

Guangzhou repair shop“On the right side of this photo sits my main interviewee of today: Xiao Zhang. I got to know him through his dad, Lao Zhang, whom I’ve interviewed many times since spring 2007. His parents migrated from rural Henan in central China to Guangzhou in late 1990s. They began as janitors but later had their small payphone store in one of Guangzhou’s largest migrant enclaves. Xiao Zhang came to join his parents at 16, a typical age when kids in rural China stopped going to school. He lived with his parents in a cramped room, right above the payphones they operate. The up-stair “domestic” space and the down-stair “business” space is connected by a bamboo ladder.

When I first knew Xiao Zhang, he just started to be apprentice for a large mobile phone repair plaza, about three blocks away from his family/shop, which consists of 20-30 repair counters. He was shy and reluctant to discuss things in front of his dad, although at one time he was excited to talk about Internet cafes nearby where people go and play online games. Last time I saw him was in December 2007, when he had fever and was on his way to see a doctor. Apparently he was overworked, and with malnutrition, as other teenage apprentices in the phone repair business.

Guangzhou repair shopBy then, his dad had told me their plan was to let Xiao Zhang have his own mobile phone repair shop. Today, when I saw them, they had moved one step further toward that goal. For one thing, Xiao Zhang had stopped working as someone else’s apprentice. Six months ago, his dad already had one piece of used equipment that blows steady hot air for the softening and loosening of metal parts in mobile phone. To this they added several other gadgets including meters measuring electronic flows, screw drivers, a small welding device, and another equipment that blows less-hot wind for the softening and cleaning of plastic parts. All except the last one were from the second-hand market. The total cost is about 70 dollars.

Today Xiao Zhang was quite talkative, in part because they already knew me, in part because they now needed as much information as possible about low-end repair shops in Guangzhou, so that they could decide where to open the new business. We talked about this obviously most important matter for about 30 minutes, and then I asked Xiao Zhang to show me what he learned and his new equipment.

Guangzhou repair shopXiao Zhang took out a Nokia motherboard and went into great details explaining the function of each part, the CPU, the controls, the switches, and what might go wrong more often than others. He talked in an enthusiastic way that made me feel this was perhaps his most favorite toy. We talked like this for about 20 minutes in the inside of this multi-function shop — of payphone, accessory and prepaid phone card sales, and, phone repair, at least temporarily.

After talking to the son and his father, it is quite clear that the two has some different plans for the new phone repair shop. Xiao Zhang, the teenage phone repairer, wants to be as indepedent and as far away as possible from his parents. But his dad, who will turn 50 in a couple years, wants him to be nearby. His mom always smiles but seldom says anything.

I shall return in 1 or 2 months to see if and how their idea for the new business materializes. In October 2007 we have located more than 70 mobile phone repair shops in this migrant enclave. If Xiao Zhang can finally have his own business, that will make a nice study case to examine the complete life of a phone repair shop from when it is still in cradle.”

The Commercialization of Open Source Mobile August 16, 2007

Posted by matthewweber in abaporu, appropriation, cannibalism, cycle, iPhone, re-configuration.
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After a short recess, Abaporu is back – hey, we all need a break every now and then!

Over the summer I’ve noticed increasing talk of commercial open-source mobile phone ventures. What’s interesting about these ventures is they are growing out of the feedback of open-source mobile application developers. While traditionally US cell phones have been locked down by providers, there has always been a cannibalistic subset focused on cracking open the code unlocking phones for free open-source development. This is exactly the trend we all witnessed when the iPhone launched: within days developers were hard at work cracking into the depths of the iPhone source code. Out of this trend of cannibalization with the intent of distribution, a number of companies are now building commercial open-source mobile phones. In addition to Motorola offering a framework for open-source mobile phone development, the OpenMoko project is now selling two open source phones that allow users complete flexibility across networks and applications. The price of these phones is currently a bit prohibitive, but there’s a clear trend of open source development starting to emerge. Now that this once-niche form of appropriation is building towards mainstream, we’re hopeful that we’ll start to see a growth in applications and uses.

Re-making space with cellphones July 12, 2007

Posted by François in appropriation, baroque, boost, space.
4 comments

Brett Stalbaum, who had brought Boost’s cheap GPS-enabled internet-connected phones to my attention, has been using them in two of his classes at UC San Diego this past quarter. The result is “antinormalizer”, a project in which his students used the phones to re-make public spaces around campus. As Brett explains in the video, cell phones are increasingly scripting our behavior in public spaces, so why not use them to “change the script of already programmed spaces”? The result is a fascinating baroque layering of unexpected behaviors onto existing space.

“Antinormalizer is a project of VIS 141B (Advanced Computer Programming in the Arts) and CAT 124 (Sixth College Practicum) at the University of California San Diego, Spring 2007. In it, a location aware mobile phone application helps students do things that are antinormal. And, it is also all of the antinormal performance that happened as a result.”

agon/antagon: appropriation as theater July 10, 2007

Posted by François in agonistic, cannibalism, iPhone.
2 comments

This past weekend, 300 hackers gathered in San Francisco for iPhoneDevCamp. The camp was a first collective attempt to unlock the iPhone’s mysteries, prompted by Apple’s reluctance to publish details about its inner workings. The LA Times covered the event as if it were a military battle. The article describes how the DevCampers carefully prepared for combat, wearing “stickers classifying themselves as developers, hardware testers, designers or web coders.” It quoted organizers who said the event was “about killer participation”, “not just to create the killer app.”

On the surface, iPhoneDevCamp had all the hallmarks of antagonistic cannibalism. Apple resisted the assault by refusing to help or provide any basic information about its product. Hackers strategically deployed themselves to “bend the iPhone to their will” and “make it do things Apple might prefer it didn’t.”

But following Paul Duguid’s insights, we might choose an alternative reading. The displayed hostility may simply be appropriation theater, agonistic rather than antagonistic. Indeed on closer examination, the DevCamp battle looks a lot like a love fest. The hackers clearly relish the challenge laid out for them by their idol, and Apple must love the attention (if only because it presumably made at least $150,000 selling $500 iPhones to 300 hackers.) The result, one suspects, will be more iPhones sold to happier hackers.

Meanwhile, the show certainly is entertaining as we watch Apple playing hard-to-get, enjoying every cannibalistic nibble from its suitors.

Radical Cannibals July 3, 2007

Posted by François in cannibalism.
4 comments

As we sort through appropriation practices, a key distinction is the degree to which users come into conflict with suppliers when they re-make technology. At the harmonious end of that spectrum we find baroquization, where users re-make artifacts along a supplier-provided personalization script. By contrast, cannibalization occupies the other extreme. Tech cannibals intentionally confront suppliers by re-making technology into something that goes against the interests of those suppliers. Just as with antropofagia, creation then emerges from destruction – literal or symbolic. This week’s news brings two examples of phone destruction, each creative in its own way.

The first story brings a welcome tale of technological failure: This week’s “attempted London car bombings were meant to be detonated by calls to mobile phones in the two vehicles, but failed for technical reasons.” Re-making mobile phones into bomb detonators is nothing new, and constitutes perhaps the most radical illustration of technology cannibalism. The practice is antagonistic at every level – artifact, practice, and politics. The objective is -literally- to destroy the phone, the practice is hostile to the intentions and business plans of providers, and, most importantly, the resulting explosion appropriates technology toward aggressive political goals.

The second news item reports on several iPhone dissections, some more meticulous than others. Here, the stated purpose is to discover what is inside and understand what makes this new device tick. The next cannibalistic challenge will be to crack the software. As the Reuters story points out: “Opening the iPhone was the easy part. For many, the real prize is hacking the phone to get it to do things Apple never intended, such as run on networks other than that of AT&T Inc., the exclusive U.S. service provider. Some programmers also want to find a way to run their own programs directly on the phone’s operating system rather than being limited to programs run through the Web browser.”

(click on pictures for credits and additional information)

Tagging as Social Expression June 29, 2007

Posted by matthewweber in appropriation, co-opt, language.
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When the Internet first exploded into households and office, bookmarks provided a convenient way to save favorite Web pages without memorizing URLs. No more than a decade later, the combined evolution of Web 2.0 and the growth of online tagging systems brings us a new concept: tagging as social expression. As UCLA researcher Alla Zoellers writes in a paper she presented at the WWW07 workshop in Banff, Canada, users have appropriated tagging as a forum for social conversations, political debates and collective action. Amazon.com’s new tagging system provides a good illustration; Barack Obama’s Audacity of Hope listing on Amazon is tagged with both “hope and redemption” and “check his voting record,” among other less-flattering comments. Of the 138 tags, most represent two sides of the polarized debate surrounding the 2008 elections.

While an interesting forum for debate, this also represents what I consider to be a “viral” course of appropriation. Bookmarks were first used as an organizational tool, but as more and more consumers have come online it became a venue for passing references back and forth. Bookmarks evolved to include tagging capabilities, allowing individuals to categorized and comment on saved items. But tagging was rapidly appropriated by the blog community as a term for social commentary. Hence today we have tagging as social expression. Sites such as del.icio.us provide forums for sharing your online “identity” through the digital trace of sites you’ve visited and the associated tags.

Looking forward, online and mobile social networks offer an interesting forum for trading ideas, evolving concepts and collectively discovering new uses for existing technology, much like an everyman’s USENET group.

São Paulo motoboy ethnographers (2): Re-making politics June 27, 2007

Posted by François in cameraphones, motoboys, politics, re-make.
8 comments

Appropriation operates at many levels. In our paper, we highlight three: artifacts, practices and politics. People appropriate technology by re-making artifacts, by re-making individual or collective practices that exploit an artifact’s possibilities, or by re-articulating power relationships around an artifact and its use. As the motoboy project unfolds in São Paulo, it is fascinating to see how the city’s professional motorcyclists (most of them motoboys, but also a few motogirls) are engaging that third level, attempting to re-make local politics through their use of camera phones to chronicle their daily lives.

Eliezer Muniz, one of the project’s coordinators at USP, sends a useful summary of the context within which the project started (pasted below, with permission.) Here are some of the highlights: The first courier enterprises – many of them informal, micro-enterprises – emerged in São Paulo in the early 1980s. Within 10 years, there were 30,000 professional motorcycle messengers. Today, 160,000 of them work in that city of over 20 million people, whose traffic jams make Los Angeles seem almost bucolic. The motoboys are therefore essential to the local economy, shuttling the urgent blueprints, medicine, checks, samples, and hot pizza that keep business humming. Most couriers own their work tools: a motorcycle, a helmet, a cellphone, and a work license from the local authorities. They typically earn about $390 per month (R$760, or 2x Brazil’s minimum salary) and this is dangerous work – every day on average, one motorcyclist dies in São Paulo’s traffic.

Here is one of their videoclips (shot by Viralata on 2007-04-30) showing what it’s like to ride the corredor between traffic lanes at rush hour on Av. Paulista:

(there is a growing sub-genre of corredor-riding DIY videos from Brazil, which are reminiscent of the many stunt videos that can be found around YouTube. For the motoboys however, this isn’t only a thrill-seeking game, but an integral part of the job. How fast they get around the city directly determines how much they get paid.)

In recent years, informal pseudo-enterprises and self-employed individuals have started to compete with the more established courier services, leading to a deterioration of working conditions. In reaction, the local government has passed laws to regulate ‘moto-freight’, including punishing fines for motorcyclists riding the corredor. Motoboys, typically portrayed negatively in the media, have not had a voice in the ensuing political debate – until now. Apparently, their use of cellphones to publicly document their daily lives has allowed them to gain attention, for once yielding some sympathetic coverage in the Folha de São Paulo.
(more…)

Baroquize this! June 25, 2007

Posted by François in baroque, cultural references, language, re-make, writing process.
4 comments

Suppliers yearn for user appropriation, but not just any kind of appropriation. Designers lay out careful scripts for users to re-make the products they adopt into something that is uniquely theirs. Phone makers want customers not simply to adopt a handset, but to personalize it with distinctive covers and straps, to program its short-cut keys, to inscribe its memory with their own address-book or calendar. Take Boost mobile, abaporu’s favorite MVNO: once you have bought their phone, the Boost brochure invites you to “make it your own” with call-tones, ring-tones, and wallpapers (yet omits to mention that you can personalize it further by installing mologogo, a free alternative to Boost’s own fee-based location service.) Suppliers thus intentionally carve out blank spaces within their designs, then invite users to infiltrate these spaces with their own data and decorations.

This particular appropriation mode, in which users follow the script laid out for them by suppliers, echoes a well-trodden cultural appropriation practice: baroque infiltration. During the colonization of Latin America, the Roman Catholic church was eager for local people to make the Catholic religion their own. To nurture the process, repeating a strategy used in Europe during the counter-reformation, Rome left spaces open on its monuments and in its ceremonies. Thus, the invaders set forth opportunities for the invaded to state their presence, infiltrate their messages, suggest their cosmovisions. Such “baroque infiltration”, Rome reasoned, would allow indigenous people to appropriate European culture and religion, but to do so safely, according to Rome’s own blueprint. In The Buried Mirror, Carlos Fuentes describes the results of this appropriation practice in the creations of José Kondori, the Quechua architect who built “the magnificent churches of Potosí, undoubtedly the most brilliant illustration of the meaning of the baroque in Latin America”.

“Among the angels and the vines of the façade of San Lorenzo, an Indian princess appears, and all the symbols of the defeated Incan culture are given a new lease on life. The Indian half-moon disturbs the traditional serenity of the Corinthian vine. American jungle leaves and Mediterranean clover intertwine. The sirens of Ulysses play the Peruvian guitar. And the flora, the fauna, the music, and even the sun of the ancient Indian world are forcefully asserted. There shall be no European culture in the New World unless all of these, our native symbols, are admitted on an equal footing.”
Carlos Fuentes (1999) The Buried Mirror – Reflections on Spain and the New World, Houghton Mifflin. p.196 (*)

Of course, Rome was perhaps naïve to think the locals would remain docile and stop there. Fuentes, along with others such as José Lezama Lima, go on to describe how baroque practices can overtake the very objects they infiltrate. Natives, Africans and criollos in Latin America learned to create a baroque within the baroque, appropriating the process itself into an art of contraconquista. This is a story for another day…

For the moment, we simply want to point out the striking parallel between “baroque infiltration” and the business strategies through which technology suppliers lay out a script for users to re-make their products. There is no good verb in English to describe the resulting user practice – personalize, fill-in, infiltrate, decorate, layer… each captures a dimension of the process but not its essence. So, we need to coin a new verb:

to baroquize (v.t.) = to re-make into one’s own, following an appropriation script proposed by the provider.

While “baroquize” doesn’t yet exist in English, we feel encouraged to proceed by our readers’ comments, who point out that barroquisar, barroquizar, and baroquiser do exist in Portuguese, Spanish and French. It must have been an oversight.

——–
(*) “Pues entre los ángeles y las viñas de la fachada de San Lorenzo, aparece una princesa incásica, con todos los símbolos de su cultura derrotada animados por una nueva promesa de vida. La media luna indígena agota la tradicional serenidad de la viña corintia, el follaje de la selva americana y el trébol mediterráneo se entrelazan. Las sirenas de Ulises tocan la guitarra peruana. Y la flora, la fauna, la música e incluso el sol del antiguo mundo indígena, se reafirman con fuerza. No habría cultura europea en el Nuevo Mundo a menos que éstos, nuestros símbolos nativos, sean admitidos en pie de igualdad.” (Carlos Fuentes, El Espejo Enterrado p. 282)

“Right now the business has spoil” June 21, 2007

Posted by arabasey in africa, Ghana, payphones.
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Business is a lot slower these days for Ghana’s payphone operators. So slow that you are likely to see them sleeping or idling, rather than serving customers. “Right now the business has spoil,” one of them complains. She blames this on the introduction of the unit transfer (electronic recharging) system, as well as the proliferation of micro-entrepreneurs in the payphone and prepaid airtime business. She used to make up to 3 million cedis (about $320) in sales per day from selling phone calls and prepaid cards. But now she makes less than 1 million (about $105). I sat several hours with payphone operators and saw that for them, the business has indeed “spoil.” Most customers purchased unit transfers. Only a handful made voice calls, most of which lasted just a few seconds. Making matters worse, the unit transfer service has a much lower margin than the payphone service. Even in rural areas, profitability of payphones seems largely dependent on the livelihood economy in the area – use is high in some communities, and very low in others, even where only a few people have their own cell phones.

It’s not just about the cost of airtime; people patronize mobile payphones but don’t necessarily love using them. Enthusiasm over mobile payphones camouflaged certain aspects of mobile phone use that are being revealed as the system faces collapse. For example, the majority of payphone users were probably subscribers, people prefer to have their own phone, and make very short calls. Network providers eventually caught onto these preferences and have responded by making it easier for subscribers to own and recharge their phones. Mobile payphones have their place, but are proving to be a transitory phase in the process of expanding access to telephony not just in Ghana, but in other African countries, such as Senegal.

This could spell disaster for the hundreds of individuals who have invested or are being encouraged to invest their limited funds in payphone ventures. Some payphone operators have branched into providing unit transfers, but most are unable to. At the moment, unit transfer operators are mainly new entrants who had sufficient funds to cover the high cost of initial investment.

Will the death of the payphone business be a debilitating set-back for micro-scale operators? Or will the market open up new opportunities for them to continue participating in the industry as intermediaries?

Creative destruction: izi killed the public phones June 15, 2007

Posted by François in africa, appropriation, co-opt, cycle, re-make.
13 comments

Senegal’s télécentres are disappearing and it seems “izi” and “seddo”, the new micro-recharge services from operators Tigo and Orange, are to blame. These télécentres are not what we typically think of as “telecenters” –roomfulls of public access computers. In fact, “the majority of them would more rightly be described as telephone kiosks or phone shops.” This unfolding story of creative destruction is very significant because over the past 10 years, such public phones have been key to economic development and information access throughout the developing world (recall Grameen’s village phones.) The disappearance of Sénégal’s télécentres fits a broader pattern currently emerging in several parts of Africa. It also maps very nicely onto our appropriation cycle and illustrates the related tug-of-war between suppliers and users, that drives innovation.

The often-told story goes like this:

  • Step 1 (roll-out): mobile phones were introduced, but were too expensive for many people to afford.
  • Step 2 (re-make): entreprising individuals get a phone and offer ‘fractional phone service’ to others by reselling their minutes on street corners. These ‘public phones’ come in many flavors: some are just individuals looking for extra cash, others may be informal micro-enterprises or more substantial ventures.
  • Step 3 (re-claim): phone companies (and others, like Grameen) co-opt this practice with micro-loans, enhanced public phone booths, accounting features to help manage the public phones, etc.
  • Step 4 (new roll-out): a changed business ecology supports multiple avenues for the provision of phone service: personal or shared, bought directly from the phone company or re-sold through intermediaries.

But now comes this new African twist:

Step 3-bis (“assertive” re-claim): Phone companies (like Tigo in Senegal), seeing that there is a market for small increments of phone credit and shared phones, introduce much more granular offers. For example in Senegal, Tigo offers billing-by-the-second (10 seconds for 20 Francs CFA, or $0.02), electronic recharges (“izi”, in Tigo’s Senegalese franglais) as low as 100FCFA ($0.20), and free unit transfers between consumers (available on the “Tigo Jeune” plan).

All of a sudden, users don’t need the ‘public phones’ any more. In Senegal most of these télécentres have gone out of business. Bassirou Cissé, the general secretary of Unetts(*) says that “In 2000, there were 18,000 télécentres in Sénégal, accounting for 33% of the Senegalese operators’ revenues and 30,000 jobs. Today, most of them have closed down.”

Any guesses as to what “Step 4” will now look like?

(*) Unetts is the Union nationale des exploitants de télécentres et des téléservices du Sénégal. The ‘public phone’ business may be informal at times, but certainly not dis-organized.

Recommended reading: Olivier Sagna’s Batik newsletter, a great source of information on African ICTs (in French.) I ran into this article while poking around OSIRIS (Observatoire sur les Systèmes d’Information, les Réseaux, et les Inforoutes au Sénégal), where Batik is hosted. No RSS yet, but Olivier tells me this is coming soon.

Creolizing Chopin June 13, 2007

Posted by François in appropriation, creolization, cultural references.
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Tom Zé gives a wonderful demonstration of “creolization” is this 1991 interview. After he won a music festival with his song “Silêncio de Nós Dois”, a newspaper claimed he had plagiarized the music from Garcia Lorca. This wasn’t true (he says,) but the accusation prompted him to compose a song that was nothing but plagiarism — entirely made up of music and words from other people. In this clip, Tom Zé shows how he appropriated the harmony from Chopin’s étude No2 and re-mixed it with a rythm from popular Brazilian music to create the melody for a new song “Se o caso é chorar” (which won the next year’s festival)

Here is a transcription of what he is saying (thanks, Guilherme)

bom a… o primeiro plágio é a harmonia que é do Estudo Número 2 de Chopin… que a harmonia é essa…
(plays the harmony)
que vocês aliás já conhecem na Música Popular Brasileira só batida um pouquinho diferente que é assim.
(plays the rhythm)
É do Estudo Número 2 de Chopin.
(the two together)
“A insensatez que você fez
Coração tão sem cuidado”

(he then continues on to explain where he ‘borrowed’ every phrase in that song. See the full 5-minute interview – pure Zé)

Zé is neither the first nor the last musician to appropriate other people’s music and lyrics (for a masterful treatment of the history of re-mix – and much more – stay tuned for Aram Sinnreich’s upcoming dissertation.) But this 30-second clip is a wonderfully concise way to get the point across in a presentation.

Tom Zé is an iconic figure for us at the abaporu project, and a terrific guide as we explore appropriation. In 1963, he met Gilberto Gil and Caetano Veloso in Salvador when they were hatching Tropicalismo. Zé joined them (along with Gal Costa, Nara Leão, and Os Mutantes) to record the album/manifesto Tropicália, which features his song “Parque Industrial.” Tropicalismo directly built on the Antropofagia movement of the late 1920’s, which had been launched by Oswald de Andrade’s Manifesto Antropófago… itself inspired by Tarsila do Amaral’s painting Abaporu. So, we are in excellent company.

There is a lot of easily accessible Tom Zé music on the net. A free download of his 1976 LP “Estudando o Samba” is available via the always excellent Loronix blog (many thanks to Josh Kun for pointing out that treasure trove of ‘forgotten music’). More recent albums can be streamed from Trama, or David Byrne’s LuakaBop.

Recommended reading: Josh Kun’s 1999 interview of Tom Zé in the Boston Phoenix: Plagiarize This!

“we use it different, different” June 12, 2007

Posted by François in baroque, reachability.
3 comments

Araba Sey opened her presentation a few weeks ago at the ICA conference with this story:
“Wofa is a fisherman in Prampram, a village just outside the capital of Ghana. His home does not have an official address, but he has his mobile phone number written over the doorway so that he is always reachable. He wishes he could do more than just make and receive calls on his phone, but he cannot read or write in English. He bought his phone in 2005 mainly because he believed it would help him with his work. There is some evidence that mobile phones have become an important business resource for fishermen in Ghana. However, trying to associate particular poverty reduction benefits with use of mobile phones by poor people is likely to lead to some surprises, and even disappointment. Because, as Wofa said to me when I asked how he and his fellow fishermen use mobile phones, “We use it different, different”. Meaning we use it in many different ways.”

It is fascinating how Wofa has re-made his phone into a doorbell (a few days ago, I would have said “appropriated his phone as a doorbell,” but I thought I’d test-drive the new labels Pierre suggested.) It very nicely underscores that a key feature of mobile phones is to provide reacheability. That often seems much more important than the ability to reach out.

(a copy of Araba’s presentation is available on the ARNIC site [PDF-174Kb])

Appropriating power June 11, 2007

Posted by François in cannibalism, creolization, frontera, power.
4 comments

A while ago, Kathleen Diga sent this great picture she took in Mozambique, just over the border from South Africa. The person living there had appropriated (i.e. ‘stolen’) this solar panel from a cell phone tower on the over side of the border. The picture is a bit fuzzy, but the tag at the bottom appears to read “WARNING – this is the property of Telkom”, with the Telkom logo. The panel is skillfully angled to catch maximum rays, and connected to a battery that powers its new owner’s stereo (and perhaps their phone charger as well?)

Another great battery appropriation is this portable, personal, pedestrian music system sent by Nyaki Adeya. It may well be where Apple’s designers got the inspiration for their iPod…
(I don’t have any source information for that picture.)